Argument Structure of Japanese Ditransitives

The issue on Japanese ditransitive construction concerns its hierarchical relation between dative and accusative arguments. There have been two different proposals on this issue. The standard approach (Hoji 1985, Takano 1988) claims that the dative>accusative word order reflects the base structure, and that the accusative>dative word order is derived by the application of Move α (Saito 1985, 1992). While the other approach (Miyagawa 1995, Kitagawa 1994) contends that the two orders are best viewed as being base-generated, indicating that they are not equivalent. These traditional approaches give rise to a hot debate on the view of the movement; whether the movement is optional or obligatory. What do they tell us about Japanese ditransitives? Is there any way to unify the two approaches? A hint is found in a finer-grained syntax and semantic approach proposed by Matsuoka (2003). In this paper, incorporating Matsuoka’s (2003) hypothesis and Miyagawa & Tsujioka’s (2004) observation on a certain ditransitive verb, I will claim that the thematic hierarchy, Agent > Possessor (Possessor Goal) > Theme> Goal, is universal.